Transcribed from volume I of Kansas: a cyclopedia of state history, embracing events, institutions, industries, counties, cities, towns, prominent persons, etc. ... / with a supplementary volume devoted to selected personal history and reminiscence. Standard Pub. Co. Chicago : 1912. 3 v. in 4. : front., ill., ports.; 28 cm. Vols. I-II edited by Frank W. Blackmar. Transcribed May 2002 by Carolyn Ward.


Big Springs Convention.—The political condition of the people of Kansas was freely discussed during the summer of 1855, and several mass meetings were held to consider calling a convention to form a state government. At the time the political elements of Kansas were varied, each working to serve its own interests and the thoughtful leaders of the free-state party saw that something must be done to harmonize them. A movement for armed resistance, which has secretly been gathering force, was revealed at the Lawrence 4th of July celebration in 1855. The situation was one of peril, not only to the political parties in controversy, but also to the communities of the territory. Among many of the anti-slavery party a spirit of dissent was growing against an organized movement proposing armed resistance to the territorial government, and this sentiment led to the Big Springs convention.

The cause of complaint at this time was the character of the territorial organization, and justification of resistance to it was based upon the illegality of the legislature. To avert the revolt of those members of the free-state party who were alienated by the demonstrations of July 4 and the action of the convention held July 11, the leaders of this disaffected branch of the party were asked to assemble for consultation at the office of the Free State in Lawrence on July 17. Among these men were W. Y. Roberts and his brother, Judge Roberts of Big Springs; Judge Wakefield and J. D. Barnes of the California road; William Jessee of Bloomington, one of the ousted members of the legislature; Judge Smith and other prominent free-state men. As the office was too small to accomodate the party, it was proposed to adjourn to the river bank at the foot of New Hampshire street, where a set of timbers had been erected for a warehouse under the shade of a tree. People they met on the way were asked to the conference, so that by the addition of John and Joseph Speer, editors of the Tribune, S. N. Wood, E. D. Ladd and G. W. Dietzler there were 20 men, one of the most prominent being Col. James H. Lane, who had just returned from the session of the bogus legislature. The spirit of revolt attested in nearly every community against the political action enunciated at Lawrence was considered, and after due deliberation the assemblage concluded that the only way to relieve the hazardous situation was by a convention in which every community should be fairly represented and free from all local influences. Big Springs was chosen for the location as its situation was ideal. Judge Roberts, who was one of the proprietors, offered the hospitality of the town, which consisted of a rude hotel and several cabins. This village was located about 4 miles from Lecompton and 2 miles south of the Kansas river on the Santa Fe road, in the northwest corner of Douglas county. Sept. 5 was chosen for the date of the convention and five delegates were apportioned to each of the 26 representative districts. Calls were printed and distributed in every precinct in the territory.

The movement met with opposition from five of the first councilors—Deitzler, Ladd, S. N. Wood and the Speer brothers—who feared that such action would tend to divide rather than to unite the free-state factions, and thus lead to defeat. In accordance with the resolutions passed at Lawrence on July 11, a convention with representatives from nearly every district in the territory assembled at Lawrence on Aug. 14. Its members also were opposed to the idea of the Big Springs convention, but when the statement of the situation upon which it was based had been explained, the call exhibited and the assurance given that while the coöperation of the assemblage was sought, the Big Springs convention would be held regardless of its assent, the free-state convention issued a call duplicating the first, but dated Aug. 14. This has led to the conclusion by many historians that the only call issued was by this assemblage.

After the conflicting elements had in a measure been harmonized the next step was the election of delegates. The activity of the radical wing of the free-state men somewhat complicated the situation, but by the assistance of Lane a well balanced ticket was chosen for the Lawrence district, consisting of 15 of the best men representing the various free-state elements, each of which had a fair representation. Eight of these men were from the town and seven from the country. The convention, which organized the free-state party, assembled at Big Springs at the appointed time—Sept. 5, 1855. On the evening of the 4th men from every direction began to gather. They came on horseback, in covered wagons or other conveyances, many with tents and camp outfit, but these were unnecessary as the inhabitants pressed upon the delegates the hospitality of their cabins. Roberts had redeemed his promise for a shaded platform with ample seats, and abundant provisions, including free meal tickets, had been made for the entertainment of the delegates. It is estimated that there were over 100 delegates present, representing every district and settlement in the territory.

The convention was called to order at 11 o'clock and temporarily organized by calling W. Y. Roberts to the chair and appointing D. Dodge, secretary. A committee on credentials was appointed with instructions to report immediately. A second committee was appointed to report permanent officers and reported the following list: President, G. W. Smith; vice-presidents, John Fee, J. A. Wakefield, James Salsburg, Dr. A. Hunting; secretaries, R. G. Elliott, D. Dodge and A. G. Adams. The committee on credentials reported 100 delegates. The usual committees were then appointed, each consisting of 13 members, representing the several council districts. The most important committees were those on platform, state organization and resolutions, with Lane, Elliott and Emery, respectively as their chairmen. The duties of these committees were as follows: To report upon a platform for the consideration of the convention; to take into consideration the propriety of a state organization; to consider the duty of the people as regards the proceedings of the late legislature; to devise action on the coming congressional election; miscellaneous business.

Col. James H. Lane, chairman of the committee on platform, presented the report which was adopted. The substance of it was as follows: To proffer an organization into which men of all political parties might enter without sacrifice of their political creeds; opposition and resistance to all non-resident voters at the polls; that all interests required Kansas to be a free state; that all energies of the party were to be used to exclude the institution of slavery and secure for Kansas the constitution of a free state; that stringent laws be passed, excluding all negroes, bond or free, from the territory, but that such measures would not be regarded as a test of party orthodoxy; that the charge of abolition imputed to the free-state party was without truthful foundation; attempts to encroach upon the constitutional rights of people of any state would be discountenanced; that there would be no interference with their slaves, conceding to the citizens of other states the right to regulate their own institutions; "and to hold and recover their slaves, without any molestation or obstruction from the people of Kansas."

This report called forth much warm discussion as many were in favor of a more radical platform and were particularly opposed to the clauses alluding to slavery and abolitionists, but the majority of the members argued that such a conservative platform would be more likely to commend itself to Congress and the inhabitants of Kansas than a radical one and thus enable them to accomplish the main object, exclusion of slaves from the territory. The committee on the late legislature made a report in which the Missouri-Kansas legislature was repudiated as a "foreign body, representing only the lawless invaders who elected them;" that the "hypocritical mockery of a republican form of government into which this infamous despotism has been converted," be disavowed and disowned; that the constitutional bill of rights had been violated by the expulsion of members entitled to seats in the legislature, by the refusal to allow the people to select their own officers, by leaving to the people no elections but those prescribed by Congress, and therefore beyond their power to abrogate, and by compelling the people "to take an oath to support a law of the United States, invidiously pointed out, by stifling the freedom of speech and the press, thus usurping the power forbidden to Congress, libeled the Declaration of Independence; and brought disgrace upon our Republican institutions at home and abroad;" that no allegiance was due the spurious legislature and that its laws were invalid, and that resistance to the laws would be made by every peaceful means.

A resolution was offered impeaching the supreme court. Col. Lane objected to this and moved that it be stricken out, but his motion was not sustained. Another resolution recommended the organization and discipline of volunteer companies throughout the territory. The committee on state organization reported that its members deemed the movement was "untimely and inexpedient," and caused the first really discordant note in the convention. Stirring speeches were made upon the adoption or rejection of the report, but the men in favor of the formation of a state government argued and pleaded until their point was gained. The report was rejected and in its place a resolution offered by Mr. Hutchinson was adopted: "That this convention, in view of its repudiation of the acts of the so-called Kansas legislative assembly, respond most heartily to the call made by the people's convention of the 15th ult., for a delegate convention of the people of Kansas Territory, to be held at Topeka on the 19th inst., to consider the propriety of the formation of a state constitution, and such other matters as may legitimately come before it."

By the report of the committee on Congressional delegate, the time for holding the election was changed from the date set by the legislature to Oct. 9, and it was resolved that the rules and regulations prescribed for the March election should govern the election except the returns, which, by the "people's proclamation" subsequently issued, were to be made to the "Executive Committee of Kansas Territory," for Gov. Shannon would not of course appoint judges of returns for such an election. The date of the election was changed to the second Tuesday in October (the 9th) in order to avoid recognizing the right of the late legislature to call an election, and to avoid the oath to support the slave code.

In the report of the committee on miscellaneous business, ex-Gov. Reeder was defended from the charges made against him as the cause of his removal. But probably the most important act of the convention was the nomination for a delegate to Congress. The nomination of the free-state delegate was made in a short, forcible speech by Martin F. Conway, who proposed the name of Andrew H. Reeder and there was no opposing candidate. This action meant the vindication of Reeder and showed the intention to fight the powers that had usurped the territorial government and removed him from office. He was nominated by acclamation.

A committee of three, consisting of S. C. Pomeroy, Col. J. H. Lane and G. W. Brown, were appointed to wait upon Gov. Shannon and present him with a copy of the proceedings of the convention. The Big Springs convention gave hope and courage to the free-state people throughout the territory. John Speer, who had been opposed to it from the first said, "The Big Springs convention became noted throughout the Union. It was the first consolidated mass of the freemen of Kansas in resistance to the oppressions attempted by the usurping legislature, and was as intelligent, earnest and heroic a body of men as ever assembled to resist the tyranny of George III. The people came from all portions of the territory. No hamlet or agricultural community was unrepresented. Men started before daylight from dangerous pro-slavery places, like Kickapoo, Delaware, Lecompton and elsewhere, to avoid assassination."

As soon as news of the work of the convention had spread, free-state meetings were held at nearly every town and settlement where people could assemble, resolutions indorsing the Big Springs platform were passed, and delegates chosen for the Topeka constitutional convention.

Pages 181-185 from volume I of Kansas: a cyclopedia of state history, embracing events, institutions, industries, counties, cities, towns, prominent persons, etc. ... / with a supplementary volume devoted to selected personal history and reminiscence. Standard Pub. Co. Chicago : 1912. 3 v. in 4. : front., ill., ports.; 28 cm. Vols. I-II edited by Frank W. Blackmar. Transcribed May 2002 by Carolyn Ward.

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VOLUME I

TITLE PAGE / LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
INTRODUCTION

A | B | C | D | E | F | G | H | I

VOLUME II

TITLE PAGE / LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

J | K | L | Mc | M | N | O | P | Q | R | S | T | U | V | W | X | Y | Z

VOLUME III

BIOGRAPHICAL INDEXES


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